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Comintern

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The Comintern (Communist International, also known as the Third International) was an international Communist organization founded in Moscow in March 1919. The International intended to fight "by all available means, including armed force, for the overthrow of the international bourgeoisie and for the creation of an international Soviet republic as a transition stage to the complete abolition of the State."[1] The Comintern was founded after the dissolution of the Second International in 1916, following the 1915 Zimmerwald Conference in which Lenin had led the "Zimmerwald Left" against those who supported the "national union" governments in war with each other.

The Comintern held seven World Congresses, the first in March 1919 and the last in 1935. As of 1928 it was estimated that the organization had 583,105 members, excluding its Soviet membership.[2]

At the start of World War II, the Comintern supported a policy of non-intervention, arguing that this was an imperialist war between various national ruling classes, much as World War I had been. However, when the Soviet Union itself was invaded on June 22, 1941, during Operation Barbarossa, the Comintern switched its position to one of active support for the Allies. The Comintern was subsequently officially dissolved in 1943.

Contents

Origins

From the First to the Second International

Further information: First International  and Second International

Although divisions between revolutionary and reformist-minded elements had been developing for a considerable time, the origins of the Communist International derive from the split in the workers' movement that surfaced in 1914 with the beginning of the First World War. The First International (a.k.a. the "International Workingmen's Association"), founded in 1864, had split between the socialists and the anarchists who preferred not to enter the political arena, setting their sights instead on the creation of a strong anarcho-syndicalist movement. The Second International, founded in 1889, followed, but tensions surfaced again in the new International.

"Socialist participation in a bourgeois government"?

Further information: Section française de l'Internationale ouvrière

For example, as far back as 1899, reformist or right-wing elements in the socialist movement had supported the entry of French independent socialist Millerand into Waldeck-Rousseau's republican cabinet (1899-1902), which included as Minister of War none other than the marquis de Galliffet, best known for his role during the repression of the 1871 Paris Commune. On the other hand, revolutionary or left-wing elements were fiercely opposed to this development. In France, this was represented by the debate between Jules Guesde, whom opposed himself to socialist participation in a "bourgeois government", and Jean Jaurès, considered as one of the founder of social-democracy. Thus, Jules Guesde declared in 1899:

"Wherever the proletariat, organized in a class party -- which is to say a party of revolution —- can penetrate an elective assembly; wherever it can penetrate an enemy citadel, it has not only the right, but the obligation to make a breach and set up a socialist garrison in the capitalist fortress! But in those places where it penetrates not by the will of the workers, not by socialist force; there where it penetrates only with the consent, on the invitation, and consequently in the interests of the capitalist class, socialism should not enter." Jules Guesde's speech to the 1899 General Congress of French socialist organizations

Criticizing the belief "that by a portfolio granted to one of his own socialism has truly conquered power — when it’s really power that conquered him", Jules Guesde thought that "such a state of affairs, if we don’t quickly put an end to it, would bring on the irremediable bankruptcy of socialism. The organized workers considering themselves duped, some will lend an ear to propaganda by the deed.", thus fostering "anarchy". The same controversy arose the next year, when Guesde opposed himself to Jean Jaurès who advocated socialist participation to the bourgeois government, during a famous November 29, 1900 speech in Lille on the "Two Methods", held during several hours before 8,000 persons.

Revisionism

Also important was the controversy over the publication of Eduard Bernstein's Evolutionary Socialism[3], which espoused a reformist path to socialism and received powerful criticism from, among others, Karl Kautsky and the young Rosa Luxemburg, who criticized him as a revisionist. The revisionist current would come to dominate the Second International, one of the factors in the subsequent break with it by revolutionary socialists.

Aftermath of the 1905 Russian Revolution

The Russian Revolution of 1905 had the effect of radicalizing many socialist parties, as did a number of general strikes in pursuit of universal suffrage in Western European countries. At this point the Second International appeared to be a united body that was growing at every election and in every advanced country. Karl Kautsky, aptly dubbed the Pope of Marxism, was at his most radical as the editor of the highly influential Die Neue Zeit (The New Time), the theoretical journal of the massive Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) which was the flagship of the International.

However, by 1910, divisions were appearing in the left of Social Democracy (as the Marxists who dominated the International described themselves), and left-wing thinkers such as Rosa Luxemburg and the Dutch theoretician Anton Pannekoek were becoming ever more critical of Kautsky. From this point onwards then it is possible to speak of there being a reformist right, a centre and a revolutionary left within the International. Interestingly, from the point of view of later events, both the Menshevik and Bolshevik wings of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party were counted amongst the revolutionary left wing. The quarreling groups of Russian emigres were not held in high regard by the leaders of the International and were unknown to the general public.

Failure of the Second International confronted with World War I

World War I was to prove to be the issue which finally and irrevocably separated the revolutionary and reformist wings of the workers movement. The socialist movement had been historically antimilitarist and internationalist, and was therefore opposed to being used as "cannon fodder" for the "bourgeois" governments at war. This especially since the Triple Alliance (1882) gathered two empires, while the Triple Entente itself gathered the French Third Republic and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland with the Russian Empire. The Communist Manifesto had stated that "workers' do not have any fatherland", and exclaimed "Proletarians of all countries, unite!" Massive majorities voted in favor of resolutions for the Second International to call upon the international working class to resist war should it be declared.

Despite this, within hours of the declaration of war, almost all the socialist parties of the combatant states had announced their support for their own countries. The only exceptions were the socialist parties of the Balkans, Russia and tiny minorities in other countries. To Lenin's surprise, even the German SPD voted the war credits. Finally, the assassination of French socialist Jean Jaurès on July 31, 1914, killed the last hope of peace, by taking out one of the few leaders who possessed enough influence on the international socialist movement to block it from aligning itself on national policies and supporting National Union governments.

Socialist parties of neutral countries for the most part continued to argue for neutrality, and against total opposition to the war. On the other hand, Lenin organized the "Zimmerwald Left" opposed to the "imperialist war" during the 1915 Zimmerwald Conference, and published the pamphlet Socialism and War, in which he called all socialists who collaborated with their national governments "Social-Chauvinists" (socialist in their words but chauvinist in their deeds).

The International was being divided between a revolutionary left, a reformist right and a centre wavering between each pole. Lenin also condemned much of the centre, which often opposed the war but refused to break party discipline and therefore voted war credits, as social-pacifists. This latter term was aimed in particular at Ramsay MacDonald (leader of the Independent Labour Party in Britain) who did in fact oppose the war on grounds of pacifism but had not actively resisted it.

Discredited by its passivity towards world events, the Second International was henceforth dissolved in the middle of the war, in 1916. In 1917, Lenin published the April Theses, which openly supported a "revolutionary defeatism": the Bolsheviks pronounced themselves in favour of the defeat of Russia in the war which would permit them to pass to the stage of a revolutionary insurrection.

Founding

Image:1919 I Kongres Kominternu Moskwa.jpg
First Congress of the Comintern, 1919

The Comintern was thus founded in these conditions in at a congress March 2-6 1919[4], against the backdrop of the Russian Civil War. 19 parties and organisations assisted the congress. There were 52 delegates present from 34 parties.[5] They decided that an Executive Committee would be formed with representatives of the most important sections, and that other parties joining the International would get their own representatives. The Congress decided that the Executive Committee would elect a five-member bureau to run the daily affairs of the International. However, such a bureau was not constituted and Lenin, Trotsky and Christian Rakovsky later delegated the task of managing the International to Grigory Zinoviev as the Chairman of the Executive. Zinoviev was assisted by Angelica Balbanoff, acting as the secretary of the International, Victor L. Kibaltchitch[6] and Vladmir Ossipovich Mazin.[7] Material was presented by Lenin, Trotsky and Alexandra Kollontai. The main topic of discussion was the difference between "bourgeois democracy" and the "dictatorship of the proletariat".[8]

The following parties and movements were invited to the first congress:

Image:KilbomKominternKard.jpg
The Comintern membership card of Karl Kilbom
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